The test was first brought to the attention of the German researchers Edgar Meyer and Thomas Mehner by an elderly German expatriate in Argentina by the name of Adolf Bernd Freier, shortly before his death.
According to Freier. the test took place on 4 March 1945 at the old troop parade ground at Ohrdruf. There, a small scaffold about 6 meters high had been erected, at the top of which a small "atomic weapon".
The weapon, according to Freier, was "100 grams"
This is one of the most significant, and highly problematical, allegations regarding the real nature of the Nazi atom bomb project, made by someone supposedly involved in it, for as will be immediately obvious, 100 grams is far short of the 50 or so kilograms of critical mass needed for a uranium-based atom bomb, and well below the amount needed for the critical mass for a typical Plutonium bomb.
Yet, Freier is insistent upon this point, and moreover alleges that all the "slaves", the luckless concentration camp victims that were forced to take part in the test, within a circle of 500-600 meters from ground zero were killed.
This would give an area of approximately 1 to 1.2 kilometers of blast damage, roughly the effect of a modern tactical nuclear bomb.
These points indicate that the “A-Waffe: or "atomic weapon" was in fact a full fedged atom bomb.
So how does one explain the extraordinarily small critical mass, especially since the Manhattan Project was aiming for a Uuranium critical mass of around 50 kilograms?
The question deserves serious consideration, for it affords yet another possible clue - if the allegation is to be credited with accuracy into the real nature of the Nazi atom bomb project.
The project was developed by several different and discreet groups for reasons partly due to security, and for reasons partly due to the practical nature of the German program
The real atom bomb development occurred far from the prying eyes of Allied Intelligence, under the auspices of the Reichspost and more importantly, under the direct auspices of the SS.
The second fact of the German atom bomb project was its emphasis on what was practically achievable during the war.
Hence, while the Germans knew of the possibilities of Plutonium and a Plutonium-based atom bomb, and therefore knew that a functioning reactor used to produce Plutonium for bombs would thereby enable Germany to develop more bombs for the same investment of fissile material, they also knew that a major technical hurdle lay across the path: The development of a successful reactor in the first place.
Thus, as has been previously argued, they opted to develop a Uranium-based bomb only, since Uranium could be enriched to weapons grade purity without the necessity of the development of a reactor, and since they already possessed the technologies to do so, if employed en masse.
Like its American Manhattan Project counterpart, the SS-run program relied on massive numbers of enrichment units to separate and purify isotope.
Germany was also seeking to be able to deploy such bombs as warheads on its rockets. And that meant, given their limited lift capabilities, that the weight of the warheads had somehow to be reduced by several orders of magnitude for their rockets to be able to carry them.
In the 1920s and '30s, Germany's Verein für Raumschiftfahrt [Spaceship Society], a club for model rocket enthusiasts, nurtured the band of men who would eventually place men on the moon. With the encouragement of von Braun's various apologists, historians have often treated the V2 [and the slave labor system that produced it] as a militaristic aberration forced on the VfR's peace-loving idealists by a Nazi bureaucracy whose vision extended no further than new types of super-artillery.
Things are seldom so simple however. While some of the pre-war German and Austrian rocket enthusiasts were no doubt dazzled by romantic dreams of space voyaging and while some may have been forced to do what they did, terror weapons were never altogether foreign to their thinking.
Manned space flight was, as early as the 1930s, viewed as a weapon of intercontinental war by Eugen Sänger, the acknowledged father of practical German space programs.
Be that as it may, by 1945, Germany had dabbled with at least three military, manned space programs: Sänger's antipodal bomber, a manned, intercontinental, two-stage V2, and, incredibly enough given Germany's limited resources, a Nazi space station.
Sänger's antipodal bomber was at once the earliest serious plan for manned space flight in the Germanic world and the most advanced and forward-thinking.
The "Silver Bird," as the development team called it, was a hypersonic, single-stage-to-orbit aerospace plane powered, in its original form, by gasoline and liquid oxygen rocket motors. It would cruise at speeds above Mach 10 [6,200 mph] or just about three times the SR-71 Blackbird's published record) at altitudes between 37 and 47 miles.
It was an extraordinary conception for 1933. By 1938, when Sänger offered his creation to the Austrian war ministry, his stainless-steel wind tunnel models featured ultra-thin, knife-edged, wedge-profile wings and a flat-bottomed, plano-convex fuselage that earned the craft the further nickname of "flat iron".
Sänger arrived at this shape after exhaustive trials in what were then the world's only supersonic wind tunnels, located in Germany. The design included a pressure cabin, retractable landing gear, a bomb bay, and jettisonable heat shields for the cabin windows.
In its operation, the Antipodal Bomber was a hybrid of aircraft and orbital spacecraft.
It was to take off from a special rocket sled running on a monorail. When it reached 1640 ft/sec, it would lift off and climb to operational altitude in a steep, near-ballistic trajectory. But the Silver Bird would shut down its engines before attaining orbital velocity. It would sink back to earth until it bounced off the upper edge of the atmosphere. The bomber would proceed to the target like a stone skipping over the surface of a pond.
After dropping its weapons, it would continue on around the globe to its base.
As near as we know, the Sänger aerospace plane got no closer to the hardware stage than the afore- mentioned wind-tunnel models. Germany's other notable manned space venture, on the other hand, was a member of the V2 rocket family. Many of its elements were actually tested using sub-scale, V2 components. The A9/A10 project was a two-stage, hypersonic, semi-ballistic manned bomber with a planned 3000-mile range.
Taking the aerodynamics of the experimental, winged A4b version of the V2 for their starting point, the engineers at Germany's Peenemünde rocket center added a pressurized cockpit, landing gear, flaps, ailerons, elevators, and a turbojet sustainer engine. They planned to mount this A9 on a huge A10 booster, in essence a V2 grown to monstrous proportions.
The A9/A10 composite would take off vertically. After staging, the A9 component would follow a ballistic trajectory to the edge of space, 210 miles up. It would then fall back to earth until, 750 miles from its base, at an altitude of about 30 miles, and at speeds of over 8000 mph, the wingborne portion of the flight began. The A9 would approach its target in a high-Mach, unpowered glide. Forty-five minutes into the mission, it would release its modest one-ton bomb load, start the turbojet, and turn for home.
t is hard to say how practical either of the rocket plane schemes could have been either, given the state of the art in the 1940s and the ever-worsening shortages of rare metals and petrochemicals.
The German engineers appear to have grossly under-estimated the thermal loads on a winged re-entry vehicle. These would not be on the order of an Apollo capsule, but they would still pose a formidable problem.
Stainless steel might not be up to the job and was hard to fabricate. Titanium was still in the future. Inconel and the nimonic alloys that made the X-15 possible were still a few years away. Even now, the only working aerospace plane, the Space Shuttle, has to have ceramic tiles over all highly heated surfaces.
Propulsion would also be a problem. As the new masters of German science, the US and USSR, discovered in the 1950s, V2-type engines could not simply be scaled up in the manner planned for the A10. Sänger-style, single-stage-to-orbit systems are still no more than a dream after sixty years.
Even if the A9/A10 or the Antipodal Bomber had been built and made to work, one wonders what it would all be for.
A paltry ton of high explosive could hardly have a measurable effect on the war. It could never justify either program's staggering cost in money, raw materials, and industrial capacity.
Some writers have suggested that one or both was an intended delivery vehicle for a Nazi nuclear weapon. But the Nazis had no hope of fielding an A-bomb by 1944 or 1945.
n any case, it would be decades before nuclear weapons could be had in 2,000-4,000 lb packages [the Hiroshima and Nagasaki weapons weighed in at around 10,000 lbs each].
The Nazi space program is thus best understood as little more than a self-indulgent delusion, one of many that occupied Germany's Bunker-bound leadership and self-serving intelligentsia as disaster and defeat overtook the nation they professed to lead.
Another problem may have presented itself to the Germans, a problem illumined for them by their own knowledge of the possibilities offered by Plutonium-based bombs: How does one get more bang for the Reichsmark without the use of Plutonium?
Is there a way to rely on less Uranium in a critical mass assembly than is conventionally thought?
There is such a way, via “boosted fission,” i.e., through the addition of some high neutron emitting source to the atomic fuel to spit extra fast neutrons into the chain reaction than would be caused by the critical mass itself. In short, the Germans were already thinking in terms of second generation nuclear weaponry.
One such neutron emitting source is precisely deuterium and tritium; Thus, “boosted fission” would have afforded the German bomb program a practical way to increase the number of bombs available to them, and a reliable method for achieving an uncontrolled nuclear fission reaction with lower purity of enriched material.
It is perhaps quite significant, that Freier's testimony concerning the Three Corners underground weapons factories also mentions the existence of an underground heavy water plant in the facilities, for heavy water, of course, contains atoms of deuterium and tritium [heavy hydrogen atoms with one and two extra neutrons in the nucleus respectively].
That some sort of atomic test did take place in Ohrdruf seems apparent from the physical evidence of the region: Old tree stumps are flattened in a radial pattern from a common center, as if blasted away in a huge explosion. And the region also has the highest background radiation of any area of modern Germany
But, to consider, for a moment, the implication of that 100 grams. If that 100 grams represented Plutonium , then it is just barely conceivable that the weapon tested at Ohrdruf was a fully functional ‘'boosted fission” atom bomb, for that is just about the minimum possible amount of Plutonium for a conventional modern boosted fission tactical nuclear bomb.
But therein, too, lies the problem, for that very small amount of Plutonium would require by the nature of the case a very high purity of Plutonium.
It would require not only a reactor technology, but a rather well-advanced one, and of course, German failures in building a conventional graphite moderated reactor are well-known, as are Heisenberg’s own clumsy attempts at construction of a heavy-water moderated reactor towards the end of the war.
What all this leads up to is that a third generation nuclear weapon, not a neutron bomb as alleged by William Lyne, nor a “boosted fission” bomb, but a pure fusion device, a pure hydrogen bomb,, may in fact been the type of device tested at Ohrdruf, one relying, not on fission, but on the fusion of heavy hydrogen , to achieve its yield.
Only such a device is in keeping with the very small weight and very high yield recorded for it. That the Germans had the technology to produce the heavy water for such a device is known. But to produce a conventional explosive to achieve the extremely high density and fusion energies necessary is another matter,
The Implied Existence of a Reactor Technology: Hartek and Houtermann's "Cold” Reactors and the “Recipe"
Oddly enough, it is the physicist Fritz Houtermanns and the nuclear chemist Paul Hartek who point clearly and unequivocally to the existence within Nazi Germany of some very unusual, and even very refined, ideas for reactors with unusual, and very available moderators.
Hartek had early on hit upon the simple expedient of using tons of dry ice as a moderator in a reactor, a solution that avoided the cooling and energy problems of a conventional graphite reactor and moreover served his purposes well: The creation of large amounts of nuclear waste to be dusted over enemy cities.
More significantly, Houtermann pointed the way to a methane cooled and moderated reactor. In any case, in both concepts one sees the same principles and aims at work: The creation of a relatively “cool” reactor that avoided the problems associated with graphite, and the creation of a reactor for the express purpose of creating large quantities of isotopes.
Both concepts, in any case, would have leant themselves rather more easily to the insertion of materials for “salting” via neutron bombardment. In other words, both types of reactor, and especially some version of Houtermanns’ methane reactor, would have been ideal designs for creating a ’’doped” compound such as Red Mercury or Xerum 525.
The question of whether or not the Nazis would have actually constructed and operated some version of either reactor is a moot one, since the SS-run black projects would have concealed their existence quite successfully, as it did with the Uranium enrichment facilities at Auschwitz.
Given the nature of this program it is extremely unlikely that the SS would not have attempted from the earliest date feasible to construct and operate a reactor.
The existence of the Ohdruf test and the Bell’s mysterious “Xerum 525" point clearly, if not entirely conclusively, to the existence of just such a hidden and operational reactor technology inside the Third Reich, a technology that, as the existence of “Xerum 525” indicates, was used in some very exotic materials engineering.
The Bell itself may thus be not only related to such technology, but it is also conceivable that it might be at its nucleus. The Germans have discovered some prototypical ballotechnic in “Xerum 525”,
A book published in Italy, on 30 September 2005 is set to reignite a smouldering controversy over how close the Nazis came to manufacturing a nuclear device in the closing stages of the Second World War.
The 88 year-old author, Luigi Romersa, in his book "Hitler's Secret Weapon", claims to be the last living witness to an experimental detonation of a Nazi weapon he says was the world's first atom bomb.
Some historians believe was the experimental detonation of a rudimentary weapon on an island in the Baltic in 1944, and that Hitler was preparing to unleash a nuclear bomb on the Allies in the last days of the Second World War.
Hitler's nuclear programme has become a subject of intense dispute in recent months, particularly in Germany.
An independent historian, Rainer Karlsch, met with a barrage of hostility when he published a study containing evidence that the Nazis had got much further than previously believed, suggesting that the Nazis conducted three nuclear weapons tests in 1944 and 1945, killing 700 people.
His claims have been ridiculed by other historians, who pointed out that only a few dozen German physicists were involved in developing nuclear devices. In comparison, it took 125,000 Americans, including six future Nobel Prize winners, to develop the atomic bombs that exploded over Hiroshima and Nagasaki. .
Romersa's story suggests the Nazis were much further advanced in their nuclear ambitions than has previously been thought. It has reignites a dispute over how close Hitler came to having nuclear weapons.
Romersa, a supporter of Mr Karlsch's thesis, lives today in an elegant flat in the Parioli district of Rome. His study walls are covered with photographs from a career during which he interviewed many of the major figures of the 20th century, from Chiang Kai-shek to Lyndon Johnson. Though he suffers from some ill-health these days, he is still lucid and articulate.
He told the "Guardian" how, in September 1944, Italy's wartime dictator, Benito Mussolini, had summoned him to the town of Salo to entrust him with a special, secret mission. Mussolini was then leader of the Nazi-installed government of northern Italy and Mr Romersa was a 27 year-old war correspondent for "Corriere della Sera".
Mr Romersa said that when Mussolini had met Hitler earlier in the conflict, the Nazi dictator had alluded to Germany's development of weapons capable of reversing the course of the war. "Mussolini said to me: 'I want to know more about these weapons. I asked Hitler but he was unforthcoming'.
Mussolini provided him with letters of introduction to both Josef Göbbels, the Nazi propaganda chief, and Hitler himself. After meeting both men in Germany, was sent to Germany and he met Hitler in a Bunker in Rastenburg, northern Poland. He was also given a tour around the Nazis' secret weapons plant at Peenemünde, on the Baltic coast.
Romersa said how he saw weapons "streets ahead of any conventional weapons the allies had at the time" :
"They were developing a missile which they said they intended to launch from Europe across the Atlantic to bomb America. Hitler and Nazi Germany had a very, very developed weapons programme and were certainly capable of creating an atomic bomb".
On the morning of 12 October 1944, Romersa was taken to what is now the holiday island of Rügen, just off the German coast, where he watched the detonation of what his hosts called a "disintegration bomb".
"They took me to a concrete Bunker with an aperture of exceptionally thick glass.
"At a certain moment, the news came through that detonation was imminent," he said.
"We were handed special glasses, there was a slight tremor in the Bunker; and when the bomb detonated there was a sudden, blinding flash of light so bright that it penetrated the glasses we were given.
"It lit up the room, and then a thick cloud of smoke. It took the shape of a column and then that of a big flower.
"The officials there told me we had to remain in the Bunker for several hours because of the effects of the bomb.
"When we eventually left, they made us put on a sort of coat and trousers which seemed to me to be made of asbestos and we went to the scene of the explosion, which was about one and a half kilometres away.
"The effects were tragic. The trees around had been turned to carbon. No leaves. Nothing alive. There were some animals -sheep- in the area and they too had been burnt to cinders".
Stralsund resident Elisabeth Mestlin saw explosion and a large purple mushroom shaped cloud hovering over Bug peninsula from the island of Vitte Hiddensee on 12 October 1944.
Manhattan Project scientist Philip Morrison in "Time" magazine 27 November 1944 notes reading interrogation reports of two German officers [captured], near Peenemünde who disclosed that Germany already had the bomb...Morrison stated:
"I read a report on the interrogation of German officers [captured], near Peenemünde who had seen the purple mushroom-shaped cloud. We thought this to be very reliable, but they upset us.
"I sent a memorandum to safety advisers, in which I informed that President Roosevelt should not be meeting with Churchill in London, because it was feared London would be attacked by use of the atomic bomb. Every evening and morning I listened BBC radio to see if London still existed. V2 rocket would be enough to move a small atomic bomb".
Werner Grothmann [Himmler's adjutant] mentions this test.
At the location on Bug Isthmus on which the Rügen nuclear tests occurred in October 1944, there are two craters filled with water contaminated by Cobalt 60 and Caesium 137, an artificial radionuclide created in nuclear explosions.
There are no similar coastal ponds or lagoons along the Baltic coast similarly contaminated to the same levels thus it is not radioactive fallout from Chernobyl.
German testing of nuclear weapons is also mentioned in OSS Report A-44 136/5985, 7 November 1944
On his return to Italy, Mr Romersa briefed Mussolini on his visit.